The levels of drug trafficking and organized crime activity along the U.S.-Mexico border have significantly increased over the last decade, fueled by a northward flow of illegal drugs and a southward flow of money and weapons. The shared acknowledgment of the gravity of this crisis has opened the door for the U.S. and Mexican governments to develop a new frame-work for their bilateral security cooperation and to strengthen their efforts against drug trafficking and organized crime. This study intends to provide an initial assessment of the current bilateral efforts against drug trafficking and organized crime, or in a broader sense, of U.S.-Mexico security cooperation. Despite the successes achieved through the coordinated efforts, it is too early to draw the conclusion that the current framework for U.S.-Mexico security cooperation in these areas is effective and efficient. This study will draw attention to some potential obstacles to the further successful operation of U.S.-Mexico bilateral security strategies and present ask for the bring-in of some practical and more crucial components into the existing cooperation framework.

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The “war making-state making” theory posits that war can be, and in fact has been, a catalyst for state formation and state strengthening. Although the “war making-state making” theory was originally conceptualized as a model for state making in early-modern Europe, many have sought to amend the theory to make it more applicable to the contemporary setting. This paper examines one such “amendment” that is put forth by Brian D. Taylor and Roxana Botea, which offers a rather specific qualification to the “war making-state making” theory. In order to assess the explanatory power of Taylor and Botea‟s theoretical “amendment,” this paper compares the state making processes of Mozambique, Angola, and Botswana when faced with the threat of an aggressive South Africa (and Rhodesia) during the 1970s and 1980s. The findings of this paper suggest that the cases of Mozambique and Angola appear to corroborate the Taylor and Botea theory, while the case of Botswana is less conclusive. This paper also draws attention to some possible avenues for future research with respect to the “war making-state making” paradigm.

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After the end of apartheid, South Africa enacted one of the most progressive constitutions in the world. The Constitution of South Africa guarantees a host of social and economic rights, including the right of access to adequate housing for all South Africans. Given the inclusion of this right in the Constitution, the issue presented in this paper is whether litigation has been an effective tool for advancing access to housing in South Africa. Since 2001, numerous cases in Constitutional Court involving the right to housing have highlighted the successes and failures of litigation as a mechanism for improving access to adequate housing in South Africa. This paper finds that the use of litigation as a tool for advancing the right to housing for individuals is limited. However, litigation, combined with other forms of advocacy, has worked to change government housing policy on a wider scale. The ultimate success or failure of the right to housing in South Africa has implications for human rights across the world.

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Identity-based disputes constitute a central component of intractable conflict. Drawing from various sources of social psychology, this paper illustrates how the concept of identity affects group behavior. Research shows that the social construction of a group identity, which involves definitions of “us” and “them,” and the delineation of artificial boundaries separating the ingroup and outgroups, often leads to ingroup favoritism and outgroup prejudice. This division becomes a potential breeding ground for discriminatory behavior and conflict, and this paper endeavors to examine the reasons behind the distinction between violent and non-violent conflict. A potent source of group mobilization, commonly linked to escalation of violence, is the perceived threat to the identity of a group. However, “perception,” being subjective, is susceptible to politicization and often allows elites to mobilize a group to action by pandering to their fear of the outgroups. Yet, if parties are to move towards reconciliation and bring an end of the cycle of violence, healing must first take place. At this stage, open communication is crucial, as it allows parties to develop empathy, build trust, and work towards sustainable collaboration through conflict resolution mechanisms that support active learning and, thus, a gradual move towards sustainable peace.

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The last thirty years have seen many states democratize, yet others have been unable to fully complete this transition and remain stuck in authoritarian or semi-democratic states. This article addresses the recent theoretical literature on democratization, where the focus has been on explaining factors that lead to successful democratization. The consensus appears to be that the nature of the transition to democracy – whether it is antagonistic or cooperative – is a major factor in determining the outcome, yet there are also cases, particularly in the former Soviet Union, where this is not apparent. This article argues that scholars should move away from the inevitability suggested by „democratization studies,‟ and instead develop a broader framework of „regime change‟ that focuses on why some countries revert to authoritarianism or other forms of non-democratic rule rather than complete the transition to democracy.

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This paper examines the roles of state-owned enterprises (SOEs) and of the domestic private sector in the trade-related policymaking process in China and places them in the broader context of economic policymaking. It considers the shifting roles of the state-owned and private sectors and how re-cent reforms have expanded the economic role of the private sector while preserving the political position of the large SOEs. It also analyzes China‟s recent entry into the WTO dispute settlement system as a plaintiff and finds that large SOEs in strategic industries tend to dominate this emerging area of Chinese trade policy. While the SOEs’ importance in the economy has lessened, they retain access to most of the monetary and political resources they have enjoyed for decades, and in many ways, their ability to influence policy has actually grown due to the structure of the reforms pursued by President Hu Jintao. Currently, these firms are key participants in China‟s emerging use of the WTO dispute settlement system and other trade remedies. As China becomes more active in pursuing its national interests in the WTO (and in the trade regime generally), it needs to develop a formal mechanism for the private sector to help drive trade policy, as is seen in advanced economies. Doing so will help ensure that China‟s trade-related policymaking apparatus is better positioned for the future by including input from those most likely to drive China‟s economic growth.

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Climate change is one of the most pressing and widespread challenges facing the world in the 21st century. As the climate changes, new technologies and strategies must be implemented to allow populations to mitigate the factors causing climate change and to adapt to its effects. Agriculture is an essential area for technological innovation because it is a major contributor of greenhouse gases, and the process of agricultural production is directly linked to climate conditions. This paper demonstrates how biotechnology, specifically the genetic modification of food crops, can be used to improve the current system of agriculture through reduced greenhouse gas emissions and increased adaptability to climate change. These improvements can be seen in reduced pesticide and fertilizer use, reduced on-farm fuel consumption, no-till crops, water-efficient plants, and increased yields in harsh growing environments. Through these innovations, biotechnology presents a feasible and large-scale solution to climate change mitigation and adaptation and is a gateway for a new system of agriculture that will move the entire industry towards sustainability.

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The dynamics underlying the choice of exchange rate regimes suggest that the international monetary system may be more vulnerable than recent history indicates. Because of potential bandwagon effects, small changes in anchor currency choices can have large and rapid effects on the international monetary system. History shows that an unraveling of the dollar as the dominant anchor, reserve, and vehicle currency would not be very exceptional. The falls of the Dutch guilder, the classical gold standard, and the pound sterling all suggest that such a restructuring of the international monetary system is a real possibility. This paper investigates an alternative configuration of the international monetary system that would be based on regional anchor blocs. Analogous to Robert Mundell‟s seminal 1961 work on Optimum Currency Areas, these regional anchor blocs could be called Optimum Anchor Currency Areas.

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